Bharat Bhushan - Gupkar Declaration: False narrative creates a 'New Hurriyat' in J&K
The Union government’s Kashmir policy has helped local political forces in J&K crystallise into a critical mass. A new and permanent front has been formed in the Union Territory by the coming together of mainstream political parties of Jammu and Kashmir under the umbrella of the Peoples’ Alliance for Gupkar Declaration. The Alliance has now adopted the flag of the erstwhile state of J&K and vowed not to participate in elections till its special constitutional status is restored. In the words of a Kashmiri leader, a “new Hurriyat” has been born.
It is “new” because unlike the “old” Hurriyat it is free of Pakistan’s influence. It does not seek “independence” or merger with Pakistan. As it was formed specifically to restore the provisions of the Indian Constitution to pre-August 5, 2019, the alliance tacitly owns up to it. Not only have the two big mainstream parties of J&K not split but they have been joined by four other political parties based on their common demands. They are the Peoples Conference, Communist Party of India (Marxist), Peoples Movement and Awami National Conference. As the recent visit of the alliance delegation to Kargil shows, links are being forged with Ladakh as well.
In a long-term framework. Delhi could reach a political settlement by renegotiating regional autonomy with the new political alliance. After all, if the distribution and sharing of powers can be discussed with armed Naga insurgents, there is no reason to shun non-violent, democratic and constitutional forces. However, the ruling party is more likely not to recognise this political opportunity, given its obsession with a unitary polity and Hindutva nationalism. Instead, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government in Delhi sounds increasingly like North Korean propaganda when it claims that that the people of J&K and Ladakh have welcomed the revocation of the provisions of Article 370, are happier now than ever before and that there is all-round development in the region.
Mufti, Abdullahs and others team up for J&K's special status restoration
This unreal picture has greater purchase nationally than
locally. The BJP is confident that no national political party will attempt to
restore the special constitutional provisions for J&K for fear of upsetting
now-polarised voters from the majority community. Only the BJP government is in
a position to frame a negotiating posture with J&K. This is presented as
the restoration of statehood for J&K – minus Ladakh. Union Home Minister
Amit Shah says the government is “duty-bound” to restore statehood but refuses
to set a deadline.
The Union government is also sure that none of its decisions
will be questioned by the national media either. Much of its reporting on
J&K is episodic, triggered only by incidents of violence, assassinations,
and focused on the role of Pakistan-sponsored terrorist groups. Popular
sentiment is rarely reflected in it. And it is growing increasingly alienated.
The formation of the Peoples’ Alliance was a result of this pressure and it is
reflected in the intransigence of the local media which the Union government is
unable to control.
Popular unease has especially developed around the new land
laws doing away with the domicile requirement for buying non-agricultural land
and easing transfer of agricultural land in J&K. Fears of losing land to
outsiders have helped unite the people of Jammu and of Ladakh with residents of
the Valley. Although it is out of the ambit of recent legislation, Ladakh has
not been given Schedule VI status to protect its land rights and identity.
Ladakhis fear that the J&K land laws may be replicated
for them. This is because the likelihood of outsiders purchasing land in
relatively more peaceful Jammu and Ladakh is greater than in the Kashmir
Valley. When Prime Minister Narendra
Modi recently spoke of setting up a 7.5 Gigawatt solar energy park in
Ladakh, instead of celebrating “development”, locals worried that crony capital
would walk in to buy large chunks of land to set up the solar park. In the
Kashmir Valley itself, individual purchasers may be hesitant to buy land, but
there is considerable local apprehension that land will be acquired for Special
Economic Zones with full-fledged townships guarded by central forces.
PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti calls NIA 'pet agency' of BJP after Kashmir
raids
The rough treatment of civil society and media in J&K is also strengthening other poles of resistance. Any media critical of the government has government advertisements withdrawn, and booted out of government allotted houses or offices. Journalists have also been harassed for taking critical stances either in their writing or on social media. Some journalists have accused others of their profession of remaining criminally silent, while those accused have complained that such accusations make them a target for militants. Fractiousness and unease has consequently grown among local media practitioners.
In order to inhibit the development of any narrative critical of the Centre, the state has also come down heavily on human rights and other civil society organisations. Many of these organisations working in the area of human rights, education, healthcare, and missing persons have been around for long. Had there been any evidence of their receiving foreign funds and diverting them to terrorist activities, they would have been arrested by the intelligence agencies long ago.
Now the National Investigative Agency has been deployed to conduct well-publicised raids on their offices. Prima facie, this suggests intimidation by the state. In the long term, if the gentler and more reasonable public voices in J&K are silenced then the public space is likely to be filled only by extremist sentiment. More importantly, such open organisations are crucial in generating the feedback that any democratic state must solicit from society.
By continuing to push a false narrative, the BJP government
in Delhi will only worsen the J&K situation. The wound will continue to
fester much after the BJP is turfed out of power. If its leaders are sensible,
they would leave a mark on history by settling the issue politically. That can
only be done through negotiations for redistribution of power with the Centre
with the emerging coalition of political and social forces in J&K.
https://www.business-standard.
‘Everyone's Darling’: Merajuddin Shah, The Kashmiri Killed At A Checkpoint
BHARAT BHUSHAN: Cracks appear in Kashmiri political class as govt seeks
middle ground
Quratulain Rehbar: A Year On, Kashmiri Man’s Family Despairs His
Continued Incarceration Under PSA
Yoginder Khandari on the plight of Non-Migrant Kashmiri Pandits / Hindus
living in Kashmir Valley
Dhrubo Jyoti - 30
years of Pandit exodus: Night of terror that prefaced years of exile
We Fear For the 400
Kashmiri Pandit Families in South Kashmir: Sanjay Tickoo
Mansoor Anwar on Comrade Abdul Sattar Ranjoor
Superflous people - review of 'Our Moon has blood clots'
Kashmir - 16 yrs on, Wandhama victims ...
Kashmiri Pandit Sangharsh Samiti Press Release ...
Kashmiri Pandits Stage Protest March in Srinagar
Sualeh Keen on the exodus of Kashmir's Pandits
SIDDHARTHA GIGOO - To Die While Dreaming of return ...
Communist Party of India Report (1950) - Imperialist aggression in
Kashmir
Sanjay Tickoo's Open Letter to Omar Abdullah ...
Kashmir - 16 yrs on, Wandhama victims await justice
Rahul Pandita -
There are no goodbyes
Two articles on the
Pathribal fake encounter case
Samar Halarnkar
demands justice for the victims of Pathribal
Mohammad Yousuf
Tarigami, CPI(M) MLA, J&K: ‘Serious dialogue need of the hour’
Comrade Satyapal
Dang: Lessons of Punjab have Relevance for Kashmir
Can democracy be
defended by alliances with communalists?
Sanjay Tickoo:
‘Given the political backlash, no Pandit can or will return to Valley’
India’s Citizenship
Emergency: Interview with Professor Niraja Jayal