Subaltern Studies
by Dilip Simeon
NB: This was written for the International Encyclopaedia of the Social and
Behavioural Sciences, 2001 edition. I had erroneously dated it in 2002). The review may also be read online here.
An Indian
school of historiography whose inspiration lay in the Maoist movement of the
1970’s, and whose raison d’etre has been the critique of the
perceived elitist bias of Indian nationalist discourse in history writing.
Since 1983, when the first volume appeared, Subaltern Studies have produced ten
volumes of collected research articles, which comprise the main corpus. After
the appearance of SS 6, a collective has managed editorial work. Individual
members of the collective have also written texts which exemplify the
“subaltern” viewpoint.
The school was founded by Ranajit Guha, a Marxist
intellectual from Bengal. Once a
member of the Communist Party of India, Guha was influenced by the radicalism
of the Chinese Cultural Revolution in the late 1960’s to align himself with
Indian Maoism, which characterized independent India as a semi-feudal
and semi-colonial state. Arguably, the project’s impetus derived from an effort
to establish the truth of this proposition - “the price of blindness about the
structure of the colonial regime as a dominance without hegemony has been, for
us, a total want of insight into the character of the successor regime too as a
dominance without hegemony” (Guha, SS 6, 1989, p 307) However, Subaltern
Studies has changed a great deal since then. Ranajit Guha is acknowledged by
the collective to be its intellectual driving force and edited the first six
volumes. He is also the author of Elementary Aspects of Peasant
Insurgency in Colonial India, recognised as a seminal work in the
genre of radical Indian historiography.
Subaltern Studies began with an attempt to apply the
approach known as “history from below” in the Indian context. The term subaltern was
inspired by the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, and is used to indicate
powerlessness in a society wherein class differentiation, urbanization and
industrialization had proceeded very slowly. Gramsci is the source of the
subalternist respect for “culture” and the “fragment” in history writing. Subaltern
Studies was also influenced by the critical Marxism of the English historian
E.P. Thompson, who attempted to move beyond economistic definitions of class
interest, as well as by Foucauldian critiques of power/knowledge systems. Its
(earlier) Maoist orientation and polemical concern with the nationalism of
Indian colonial elites made for a slant toward the investigation of peasant
rebellion under colonial rule as well as peasant recalcitrance vis-à-vis
Gandhian nationalism and the Indian National Congress.
Initially overtly political
in its stance, Subaltern Studies was popular among young Indian historians and
scholars of modern India
abroad as a radical alternative to an uncritical academic celebration of Independence. The Indian national movement
was seen as a failed hegemonic project (Sen, SS 5, 1987; Guha, SS 6 & 7;
1989 & 1993). Following Guha’s investigation of elementary forms of
insurgent peasant consciousness, the school attracted the hostility of the
Indian Marxist establishment for being “idealist” (see Chakravarty, SS 4, 1985)
– a sign that it had departed from economic reductionism. In a society where
cultural symbols play an important role in everyday life as well as in
political mobilisation, this was a fruitful departure, necessary for
comprehending phenomena such as charismatic leadership and communal conflict.
(see for example, the contributions of Amin, Pandey and Hardiman in SS 2, 1983,
and SS 3, 1984, as well as their books) It has since expanded “beyond the
discipline of history” to engage “with more contemporary problems and
theoretical formations” (SS 9, 1998, Preface). These include the politics of
identity and literary deconstruction. The shift in the 1990’s was marked by the
interest shown in the project by literature scholars and critics such as Edward
Said and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak. The analysis of discourse has since become
a major preoccupation for subalternist
research.
It would be wrong to adduce a
uniformity of vision in the output of Subaltern Studies over the years. The
explicit, if unorthodox Marxian bent of its “history from below” phase has been
superseded by a recent preoccupation with community, rural innocence and
cultural authenticity. The epistemological
approval of the Leninist “outsider” as the bearer of “higher”
revolutionary consciousness (Choudhury, SS 5, 1987) sits in unresolved tension
with the oft-expressed critique of elitism and statism in historiography
(Pandey, SS 8, 1994), and the belief in the immanence of culturally mediated
forms of universal community (Partha Chatterjee, SS 6, 1989). A thematic that
persists however, is the opposition of two “domains” – that of the elite, meaning the colonial state
and its allies, and their forms of politics, knowledge and power; versus the
subaltern. The latter has been variously interpreted as the peasantry,
community, locality and traditional domesticity and distinguished by its resistance
to colonisation. The difficulty caused by the problem of mass complicity has
been dealt with by valorising the recalcitrance of “fragments”.
The subalternist stance of
giving voice to the repressed elements of South Asian history has engendered
valuable research. A prominent example is Shahid Amin’s meticulous and
thought-provoking investigation of the prolonged aftermath of the (in)famous
Chauri Chaura riot of 1922, which resulted in the death of 22 policemen, the
suspension of the first non-cooperation movement, and the subsequent punishment
by hanging of nineteen accused rioters. (SS 5, 1987, and OUP, 1995). This
unravelling of “an event which all Indians, when commemorating the nation, are
obliged to remember - only in order to forget”, relentlessly juxtaposes event
to nationalist metaphor and existential reality to ideological representation.
It will remain an outstanding text in the subalternist corpus. Pandey’s
intricate account of cow-protection movements in eastern India in late
19th century exposes the interplay of symbolism, class-interest and
public space. This path-breaking essay in the pre-history of communal politics
(SS 2, 1983), along with his writings on the “construction” of communalism in
colonial India
(SS 6, 1989, OUP, 1990) has contributed significantly to a raging historical
debate.
Guha’s own Chandra’s Death (SS 5, 1987) skilfully uses a legal
narrative from mid-nineteenth century Bengal
to analyse the workings of patriarchal culture and indigenous justice with
great sensitivity to the existential predicament of ‘low-caste’ women. In a
brilliant passage, Guha qualifies a description of conventional systems of
asylum thus, “this other dominance did not rely on the ideology of Brahmanical
Hinduism or the caste system for its articulation. It knew how to bend the
relatively liberal ideas of Vaishnavism and its loose institutional structure
for its own ends, demonstrating thereby that for each element in a religion
which responds to the sigh of the oppressed there is another to act as an
opiate” (SS 5, p. 159).
Subaltern Studies’ concern
with issues of ideological hegemony elicits a questioning of the school’s own
theoretical tensions. The juxtaposition of statist versus subalternist history;
or the tyrannical march of Western-inspired universals versus the resistance/
occlusion of heroic subalterns expresses a view of a society divided into
discrete social zones – with a concomitant oversight regarding the osmosis
between these “domains”. The idea that contemporary history encompasses a grand
struggle between the narratives of Capital and Community; that the latter is the truly subversive
element in modern society - “community, which ideally should have been banished
from the kingdom of capital, continues to lead a subterranean, potentially
subversive life within it because it refuses to go away” - (Partha Chatterjee,
OUP, 1997, p. 236), raises the question of why ‘class’ has been demoted from
the estate of subalternity, even though it too refuses to go away. In an era
wherein the assertion of community is rapidly transiting from the realm of
peasant insurgency to that of mass-produced identity, might not “community”
actually function as the necessary metaphysic of Capital rather than its
unassimilable Other?
The tensions extend beyond
theory to that of discursive choice and indeed, silence. The political success
of the movement for Pakistan for example, the transformation in this case, of
“communalism” into “nationalism” has not been investigated despite Guha’s
pointers (SS 6, 1992, p. 304, and SS 7, 1994, p 99-100), and despite the urgent
need for reflection on the Indian communists’ transitory but significant
support in the 1940's for the two-nation theory and Partition. Nor has the
subsequent history of Pakistan
and the emergence of Bangladesh
been addressed – a rich field for those interested in the ever-shifting
paradigms of nationhood and identity in South Asia.
Has subalternist thinking confined itself ideologically within the fragmentary
remainder of 1947?
Similarly, the category of labour and the history of the
working class is absent from the main corpus of research after Chakrabarty’s
publications on the jute-mill workers of Calcutta
(SS 2, 1983; SS 3, 1984 and OUP, 1989). Nor would it appear from this fleeting
passage of workers through the subalternist corpus, that the national movement
and nationalism had any impact on them. Despite insightful commentaries by
Partha Chatterjee on Gandhian ideology (SS 3, 1984, and Zed/OUP, 1986) and
Amin’s work on Chauri Chaura, the widespread popular appeal of Gandhi and his ahimsa
remains an under-examined theme. The scholar who tires of negativity and is
looking for answers on the role of charisma might find emotional sustenance as
well as food for thought in an essay by Dennis Dalton, entitled “Gandhi During
Partition” (C.H. Philips & M.D. Wainright, ed., The Partition of India,
Allen and Unwin, 1970). Dalton
is neither a historian nor a subalternist.
This lacuna co-exists with a
reluctance to tackle the history of the communist movement, within India or
internationally. Given its founder’s abiding interest in the failure of radical
historiography to produce a “principled and comprehensive, (as against eclectic
and fragmentary) critique of the indigenous bourgeoisie’s universalist
pretensions”(Guha, SS 6, 1989, p 307), it would have been intellectually
appropriate for him to address the history and historiographical practice of
the movement to which he owed theoretical inspiration. The subalternist
antipathy towards what is perceived as the representational pretension of the
Gandhian Congress, its habit of translating a constricted, bourgeois aspiration
into a nationalist universal (see Guha, “Discipline and Mobilize” SS 7, 1993),
elicits a query about the political practice of the “true representatives” of
the workers and peasants. Guha can hardly be faulted for polemical shyness -
and this makes Subaltern Studies’ sustained avoidance of “principled and comprehensive” research on
the fractious and tragic meanderings of Indian communism quite remarkable. The
observations on Guha’s own political trajectory (Biographical Sketch, SS 8,
1994) which refer to his disillusionment with the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956, and to his association with
Maoist students in Delhi
University in 1970-71, throw
no light on the nature and content of his theoretical transformation.
These are
not mere matters of biographical detail. They are linked to vital historical
questions on Bolshevism and its impact on anti-colonial struggles in the 20th century, and not just in India.
The fact that Subaltern Studies have carried the occasional essay on non-Indian
societies, implies that the project of exposing elitist bias and ideological
camouflage has been (notionally at least) thrown open to cross-national debate.
Yet its sole addressal of Leninism in seventeen years takes the form of a
theoretical apology (SS 5, 1987) without raising the matter of political
hegemonism and subalternity in the USSR, initiatives “from below” in
the Russian Revolution or the impact of Stalinism on the international
communist movement.
As a discursive field
Subaltern Studies has produced provocative research on the history of colonial India and of
late, into more recent developments. It has been a forum for fresh scholarship
on a variety of themes, ranging from “low” caste and “tribal” peasant
insurgency, middle class ideologies of nationalism, prison life, disciplinary
structures under colonialism to the politics of liquor, the significance of
myth, and interpretations of “bondage”. It has also contributed important
theoretical reflections on questions of nationalism, colonial science, caste,
gender and identity. This includes an evaluation of the historiographical
antecedents of Hinduttva or majoritarian nationalism (Partha Chatterjee,
SS 8, 1994), a critique of colonial penology (Arnold, SS 8, 1994), a commentary
on recent developments in Indian feminism (Tharu and Niranjana SS 9, 1996),
research on concubinage and female domestic slavery (Indrani Chatterjee, SS 10,
1999) and an epistemological analysis of colonial ethnography (K. Ghosh, SS
10).
The inquisitive scholar will also find it worthwhile to read a critique of
the school written by an erstwhile member of the collective. Sarkar’s essay
“The Decline of the Subaltern in Subaltern Studies” ( OUP, 1998) challenges
what he considers to be its valorisation of the indigenous, its “enshrinement
of sentimentality”, and the shift in its polemical target from capitalist and
colonial exploitation to Enlightenment rationality. A caveat might also be entered on the status of
any scholarly claim to “represent” the voice, interest or agency of a preferred
Subject - the historian’s discipline may indeed never be free of bias, but
surely it must be as committed to the ideal of truth-as-the-whole, and balance,
as to polemic.
Be that as it may, Subaltern Studies has raised the level of
debate in Indian historiography - the corpus may be critiqued, but certainly
not ignored. It has had an impact on the orientation of many scholars, within
and outside the discipline of history, and beyond the frontiers of India. Whether
it will retain its original radical impetus by engaging boldly with questions
posed by its own practice and the rapidly changing social and political
environment in the post-Soviet global order remains to be seen.
Suggested Readings
Subaltern Studies, (ten volumes), published from1983 till 1999
Ranajit Guha, Elementary
Aspects of Peasant Insurgency in Colonial India (OUP, 1983)
David Hardiman, The Coming
of the Devi: Adivasi Assertion in Western India
(OUP, 1987)
Dipesh Chakravarty,
Rethinking Working Class History: Bengal,
1890-1940 (OUP, 1989)
Gyanendra Pandey, The
Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India
(OUP, 1990)
Gyan Prakash, Genealogies
of Labour Servitude in Colonial India
(CUP, 1990)
Shahid Amin, Event,
Metaphor, Memory: Chauri Chaura, 1922-1992, (OUP,1995)
Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist
Thought and the Colonial World - A Derivative Discourse (Zed/OUP 1986); and
The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Post Colonial Histories (OUP,
1997)
Sumit Sarkar, Writing
Social History (OUP, 1998)