This is the biggest witch-hunt in Turkey’s history by Can Dündar
Fine, we are rid of a military coup, but who is to shelter us from a police state? Fine, we are safe from the “malice of the educated” (whatever that is), but how will we defend ourselves from ignorance? Fine, we sent the military back to their barracks, but how are we to save a politics lodged in the mosques?
The coup attempt took place on a Friday night. By Sunday evening a list of 73 journalists to be arrested had been leaked by a pro-government social media account. My name was at the top.
The coup attempt took place on a Friday night. By Sunday evening a list of 73 journalists to be arrested had been leaked by a pro-government social media account. My name was at the top.
Within three days, 20
news portals were inaccessible, and the licences of 24 news and radio stations
cancelled. Meydan newspaper was raided, and its two editors detained. (They
were released 24 hours later.) Yesterday the journalist Orhan Kemal Cengiz,
also on the list, was arrested at the airport with his wife. It is almost
impossible to hear dissident voices now, in a media already largely
controlled by the government. The European
convention on human rights has been suspended until further notice. A
cloud of fear hangs over the country.
When, this week,
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan declared
a three-month state of emergency, I thought: “Nothing has changed.” As a
journalist who has produced documentaries on all the past coups in the country,
and has lived through the past three, I knew all too well how terrifying a
regime the coup could have brought about. However, I also saw how its failure
would empower Erdoğan, quickly turning
him into an oppressor too.
Turkey’s politics has
always functioned like a pendulum: it swings from mosque to barracks, and back
again. When it sways too near the mosque, soldiers step in and try to take it
to the barracks. And when the pressure for secularism from the barracks becomes
too great, the power of the mosques grows. And educated democrats, sitting in
between these extremes, are always the ones to take a beating.
Why can’t we escape this
dilemma? It’s easy to explain, yet hard to resolve. The Turkish military has,
unfortunately, been the only powerful “guardian” of secularism – in a country
where civil society has not matured, opposition parties are weak, the media are
censored, and unions, universities and local authorities are neutralised. The
armed forces have always claimed to be the sole protectors of the country’s
modernity. Paradoxically, however, every coup the army has plotted has not only
hurt democracy but also fuelled radical Islam. A recent scene at the funeral of
a coup protester symbolised the situation perfectly. The president was there.
The imam prayed: “Protect us, lord, from all malice, especially that of the
educated.” “Amin!” (“Amen”) the crowd roared.
So last week’s
attempted coup is only the latest example of a centuries-old oscillation. But
it is also shaping up to be one of the worst. During the attempt on 15 July,
crowds answered hourly calls from mosques. They yelled “Allahu Akbar”
while lynching soldiers; they flew Turkish flags and the green flags of Islam,
and shouted: “We want executions!”
Lists of all sorts of
“dissenters”, not just journalists, circulated immediately. Nearly 60,000
people – including 10,000 police officers, 3,000 judges and prosecutors, more
than 15,000 educationists, and all the university deans in the country – have
either been detained or fired, and the numbers are growing daily. Torture,
banned since the military coup of 1980, has resurfaced. A campaign has been
launched to revive
the death penalty, which was abolished in 2002. It is the biggest
witch-hunt in the history of the republic… read more:
https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2016/jul/22/biggest-witch-hunt-turkish-history-coup-erdogan-europe-help