Maajid Nawaz - The British Left’s Hypocritical Embrace of Islamism
I am a state school-educated Muslim and racial minority. I have been stabbed at by neo-Nazis, falsely arrested at gunpoint by Essex police, expelled from college, divorced, estranged from my child, and tortured in Egyptian prison, and mandatorily profiled. I’ve had my DNA forcibly taken at Heathrow Airport under Schedule 7 Laws, which deprive terror suspects of the right to silence at UK ports of entry and exit, among much else. I’ve been blacklisted from other countries. I am every grievance regressive leftists traditionally harp on. Yet their first-world bourgeois brains seem to malfunction because I refuse to spew theocratic hate, or fit their little “angry Muslim” box. Yet they talk to me about privilege, and non-fat lattes?... There is a natural fear among Europe’s left, that challenging Islamist extremism can only aid Europe’s far-right. But the alternative to this fear must not be to instead empower theocratic fascism. There is a way to both challenge those who want to impose Islam, and those who wish to ban Islam. It has not escaped me, nor other liberal Muslims, that while challenging Islamist extremism we must remain attentive to protecting our civil liberties...
The desire to impose
religion over society is otherwise known as theocracy. Being veterans of the
struggle to push back against fundamentalist Christians, American liberals are
well acquainted with the pitfalls of the neoconservative flirtation with the
religious-right. How ironic, then, that in Europe it is those on the left—led
by the Guardian—who flirt with religious theocrats. For in the UK,
our theocrats are brown, from minority communities, and are overwhelmingly
Muslim.
Islam is a religion
like any other. Islamism is an ideology that seeks to impose any version of
Islam over society. When expressed through violence, I call it jihadism. It is
obvious to an American liberal that Christian fundamentalism must be made to
respect personal choice. Likewise, it is as plain as the light of day to me—a
Pakistani-British liberal Muslim—that any desire to impose any version of Islam
over anyone anywhere, ever, is a fundamental violation of our basic civil
liberties.
But Islamism has been rising in the UK for decades. Over the years,
in survey after survey, attitudes have reflected a worrying trend. A quarter of
British Muslims sympathised with the Charlie Hebdo shootings. 0% have expressed tolerance for homosexuality. A
third have claimed that killing for religion can be
justified, while 36% have thought apostates should be killed. 40% have
wanted the introduction of sharia as law in the UK and 33%
have expressed a desire to see the return
of a worldwide theocratic Caliphate. Is it any wonder then, that from this
milieu up to 1,000 British Muslims have joined ISIS, which is more than joined the Army reserves. In a case that has
come to symbolize the extent of the problem, an entire family of 12 recently migrated to the
Islamic State. By any reasonable assessment, something has gone badly wrong in
Britain.
But for those who I
have come to call Europe’s regressive-left how could Islamist tyranny—such as
burying women neck deep in the ground and stoning them to death—possibly be
anything other than an authentic expression of Muslim rage at Western colonial
hegemony? For don’t you know Muslims are angry? So angry, in fact, that they
wish to enslave indigenous Yazidi women for sex, throw Syrian gays off tall
buildings and burn people alive? All because… Israel. For Europe’s
regressive-left—which is fast penetrating U.S. circles too—Muslims are not expected to
be civilized. And Muslim upstarts who dare to challenge this theocratic fascism
are nothing but an inconvenience to an uncannily Weimar-like populism that
screams simplistically: It is all the West’s fault.
It is my fellow
Muslims who suffer most from this patronizing, self-pity inspiring
mollycoddling. And just as American Muslims, with some reason, fear becoming
targeted by right-wing anti-Muslim prejudice, British Muslims are being
spoon-fed regressive-left sedatives, encouraging a perpetual state of
victimhood in order to score their petty ideological points against “the West.”
In the name of cultural diversity, aspiration is being stifled, expectations
have been tempered and because Muslims have their own culture don't you
know,self-segregation and ghettoization have thrived.
Finally, on July 20
the British Prime Minister David Cameron mustered the political will to deliver
a comprehensive speech setting out the UK’s approach
to tackling the long rising tide of theocratic extremism in our communities. At
last, Cameron named and shamed the Islamist ideology as a major factor behind
the rise of such extremism. As founding chairman of Quilliam—an
organization that seeks to challenge Islamism though civic debate across
political divides—I was proud to have played a role in advising Downing Street on some
of the core messages for this speech. I did this despite my being a Liberal,
and not a member of the Prime Minster’s Conservative party. I did this because
extremism affects our national, not just party-political, interests.
The Guardian,
it seems, was not happy. Rather than react by providing much beleaguered
feminist, gay or ex-Muslims with a crucial platform—as one would expect from a
progressive newspaper—they featured a doting interview with the UK front-leader for the Islamist
extremist group Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) complaining about the Prime Minster’s
speech. HT wishes to resurrect a theocratic caliphate, in which—according to
its draft constitution available online—they would execute
“apostates.” They also believe in ISIS-style medieval punishments, such as
stoning, amputations, punishing homosexuals, and approving of slavery in
principle. I should know, for 13 years I was on the leadership of this group,
serving five of those years as a political prisoner on its behalf in
Egypt.
But this is not new
for the Guardian. As the UK media industry magazinePrivate Eye later
noted, over the years the paper has provided column space to supporters of
al-Qaida, including Bin-Laden himself. On 23 February this year, the paper published a column by the leader of HT’s
Australian branch, Uthman Badar, in which he makes it clear that though HT does
not support ISIS, “neither will we condemn them,” for to do such a thing would
be “morally repugnant.”
Indeed, 10 years ago the Guardian even
had a member of HT on its staff as a trainee journalist. Dilpazier Aslam’s affiliation was exposed on the blogosphere after
he wrote an equivocating piece on the 7/7 terrorist attacks in London. Amidst
public outrage, the paper was forced to pay him £30,000 as severance, probably to avoid a hearing at which editors
may have had to admit that they knew about his HT affiliations all along. Like
the Daily Mail of old, which to its eternal shame appeased the
rise of Nazism, the Guardian is blinded by its infantilizing
approach to minority communities, promoting the most regressive of theocrats,
simply to “stick it to the man.”
And while the
regressive-left have taken this approach with Islamist extremists, they have
been simultaneously marginalizing that great political inconvenience, liberal
Muslims. On July 21, a day after the Prime Minister’s speech, the Guardian G2 magazine’s
commissioning editor Nosheen Iqbal wrote a glowing email to my office requesting an
interview in order to discuss my “consistently dedicated work to combat
extremism” and to build on the “momentum” of the Prime Minister’s speech so as
to “flag up the crucial work being done behind the scenes.” Keen to engage the
audience most hostile to liberal Muslims in the past, I was struck by the
change of tone in this request, and felt that an opportunity to repair ties was
at hand, so I agreed to the interview.
What I hadn’t seen was
this same editor’s tweet, only a week prior, in which she made her dislike of me crystal clear. The resulting
piece - conducted by David Shariatmadari - was nothing short of a character
assassination. I have since responded in full to this hatchet job on my public
Facebook page. Suffice to mention here that the article relied on no less than
three anonymous hostile quotes, among countless other petty jibes and omissions
of my actual answers.
In fact, the piece was so bad that it appears to have violated
the Guardian’s own editorial code on anonymized quotes. As was pointed out in the comment section, the Guardian reader’s editor has a policy on anonymous sources: they
should “use anonymous sources sparingly (and)—except in exceptional
circumstances—avoid anonymous pejorative quotes….the use of anonymous quotes is
widespread within newspapers and is…particularly insidious when used to snipe
at public figures in profiles.”
Other journalists and
bloggers responded with advice, criticism, incredulity, scolding, and even a lesson in recent history. But it was mockery that
proved to be the Guardian’s Achilles’ heel. By focusing on my
personality, fluency, dress and beverage tastes - instead of my ideas and
“crucial work”- the paper opened itself up to attack by a cleverly put
together and popular satirical and irreverent piece. Satire has been a
sanctuary historically monopolized by progressives, originally used as a
discreet tool against Western religious fundamentalism. Of course, an authentic
Muslim should not dress well, speak lucidly nor drink, of all things, a skinny
flat white coffee.
The real Muslim is scruffy. A credible Muslim
can only be inarticulate, someone who requires an intermediary to ‘explain’
their anger, invariably through the prism of leftist ideological dogma. And if
a Muslim does speaks for themselves, they must only do so when full of rage,
obviously.
How patronizing.
As another blogger accurately noted in response, the problem begins
when journalists and others seek out “community representatives,” or “credible
Muslim voices” to fit into convenient boxes. This relies on so many assumptions
that it is hard to know where to begin. Not all Muslims wish to express
themselves in public through a communal religious identity. Identities are
multiple, and some may wish to speak instead just as citizens in their
professional capacity, through their political party, or their neighborhood
body.
Those Muslims who do speak through their communal religious identity are
not homogenous. This particularly holds true because majoritarian Islam has no
organized clergy, and no pope. The question of religious “representation” becomes
particularly difficult to achieve as a result. And in its most extreme sense it
is undesirable anyway, leading logically to nothing but ISIS-style bloodshed
and theocracy. Muslim “credibility” is just as flimsy an idea to pursue
doggedly. In fact, this is nothing but a variant of the African-American “not
black enough” theme. Who decides whose “Muslim experience” is real, and whose
is not? Is the credible Muslim only he who dresses in Arab robes, eats spicy
food and drinks cava? And yet we then worry about profiling?
The great irony is
that, unlike many of today’s champagne socialists and shisha-jihadists my
entire life has been a prototype of their archetypal aggrieved Muslim. Unlike
the Guardian’s private school, Oxbridge-educated journalist David Shariatmadari,
I am a state school-educated Muslim and racial minority. I have been stabbed at
by neo-Nazis, falsely arrested at gunpoint by Essex police, expelled from
college, divorced, estranged from my child, and tortured in Egyptian prison,
and mandatorily profiled. I’ve had my DNA forcibly taken at Heathrow Airport
under Schedule 7 Laws, which deprive terror suspects of the right to silence at
UK ports of entry and exit, among much else. I’ve been blacklisted from other
countries. I am every grievance regressive leftists traditionally harp on. Yet
their first-world bourgeois brains seem to malfunction because I refuse to spew
theocratic hate, or fit their little “angry Muslim” box. Yet they talk to me
about privilege, and non-fat lattes?
There is a natural
fear among Europe’s left, that challenging Islamist extremism can only aid
Europe’s far-right. But the alternative to this fear must not be to instead
empower theocratic fascism. There is a way to both challenge those who want to
impose Islam, and those who wish to ban Islam. It has not escaped me, nor other
liberal Muslims, that while challenging Islamist extremism we must remain
attentive to protecting our civil liberties. We are born of
this struggle, after all. Over the years I have opposed past
UK government ministers on ethnic and religious profiling, opposed Obama's targeted killings and drone
strikes and opposed Senator King in the UK Parliament over his
obfuscation and justification for torture.
I have been cited by the UK PM
for my view that though Islamist extremism must be
openly challenged, non-terrorist Islamists should not be banned unless they
directly incite violence. I have spoken out against extraordinary rendition and detention without charge of terror suspects. I
have supported my political party, the Liberal Democrats, in backing a call to end Schedule 7. It is due to this
very same concern for civil liberties that I vehemently oppose Islamist
extremism and call for liberal reform within our Muslim communities, for our
Muslim communities. We believe civil liberties cut both ways, for and uponminority
communities, and it is due to this same passion for human rights that my
organization Quilliam put out this anti-ISIS video only a day after the Guardian’s
unfortunate sting. We chose to let our work speak for itself.
But if the
regressive-left has its way, why worry about medieval punishments conducted in
Islam’s name, such as the lashing of Saudi bloggers like Raif Badawi? Let us not be Uncle Toms, after all.
Israel is the real enemy. Keep it real, man.
see also
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