Constanze Letsch - Turkey's crackdown on its media goes into overdrive. 'The coup was prevented, but the junta came to power.'
Turkey has intensified
its crackdown on the media since
last month’s attempted coup, with rights groups decrying a wave of decrees
that have turned the country into the world leader in locking up journalists. During Turkey’s
current three-month state of emergency the government has the authority to rule
by decree and has ordered the closure of 102 media outlets, including 45
newspapers, 16 TV channels, three news agencies, 23 radio stations, 15
magazines and 29 publishing houses.
Arrest warrants have
been issued for more than 100 journalists, and, according to the independent
journalism platform P24, 48 have been arrested since the investigation into the
alleged coup plotters began. A total of 2,308 media
workers and journalists, some employed by outlets with alleged ties to exiled
cleric Fethullah Gülen, whom the Turkish government accuses of
masterminding the coup attempt, have lost their jobs. Hundreds of government-issued
press accreditations have been cancelled, and an unknown number of journalists
had their passports revoked, thus banning them from all foreign travel. The Turkish
governments insists these measures are justified for security reasons and says
journalists currently in jail are being investigated or prosecuted for possible
criminal activities.
Rights groups
disagree. “One of the biggest problems in Turkey was the close relationship
between the judiciary and the government, which was detrimental to press
freedom,” said Erol Önderoğlu, Turkey representative
for Reporters Without Borders. “But the government
can now bypass the courts altogether, leading to an even more arbitrary
situation. Turkey now again leads the ranks of the worst countries for press
freedom.” Trust in the country’s
judicial system, already in tatters before the coup attempt, has plummeted to a
new low.
Can Dündar, former editor-in-chief of Turkish daily Cumhuriyet, announced earlier this month he was stepping down, saying he no longer had faith in the Turkish courts to hear his appeal after he was sentenced to prison in May for allegedly revealing state secrets. Dündar, who is abroad, said he would not surrender himself until at least the end of the state of emergency.
Can Dündar, former editor-in-chief of Turkish daily Cumhuriyet, announced earlier this month he was stepping down, saying he no longer had faith in the Turkish courts to hear his appeal after he was sentenced to prison in May for allegedly revealing state secrets. Dündar, who is abroad, said he would not surrender himself until at least the end of the state of emergency.
A day later, an
Istanbul court ordered the “temporary closure” of Özgür Gündem, a pro-Kurdish
daily with a circulation of 7,500, after ruling that the paper acted as a “de
facto news outlet” for the outlawed Kurdistan Workers’ party (PKK) and police
stormed the offices, detaining 24 people of whom 22 were later released. “You can see where
this is going,” said one media lawyer. “They use the state of emergency as an
opportunity to shut down all news outlets they don’t like.” Many of the arrested
journalists worked for media outlets affiliated with the Gülen movement, which
is divisive in Turkish society, but rights groups and reporters said that press
freedom had to be unconditional. “I don’t defend the
Gülen movement, but I do defend my profession,” said Ahmet Şık, an investigative
journalist who spent more than a year in jail for writing a book on police
infiltration by the Gülenists.
Most of the jurists
who presided over his case are now in jail and many in the media who cheered
his imprisonment now face the same treatment themselves. “What is done to the
Gülen media today was done to me yesterday, and tomorrow it will be done to
you. This is why we always have to defend freedom of expression, and stand by
our principles.” Many in Turkey
struggle to show solidarity. When former Zaman reporter Hanim Büsra Erdal,
criticised for her pro-Gülenist coverage of trials allegedly initiated by the
movement, was arrested last month, Turkish social media was awash with glee.
But Şık said nobody should be jailed for journalism. “Büsra Erdal is a
journalist, period. But she is a journalist who has used her skills to a bad
end,” he said. “That doesn’t mean that she can be accused of coup plotting and
arrested. Büsra Erdal is a bad journalist, but the highest possible penalty for
her can only be to tell her not to do journalism any more.”
With Turkish media
under such heavy attack, a small group of prominent journalists has come
together to found Gazete Duvar, an online newspaper that aims to sidestep the
deep polarisation.
“We started earlier
than planned because of the coup attempt and the state of news coverage,” said
Ali Duran Topuz, editor-in-chief. “The website is still not ideal, many things
need to be improved, but instead of complaining how bad things are, we wanted
to do something. By upholding high journalistic standards, we want to change
things for the better.” His optimism is rare
among journalists in Turkey today. “Press freedom is in a worse state than ever
before,” Şık said. “I would sum it up like this: the coup was prevented, but
the junta came to power.”