Khaled Ahmad: Touching foot in Pakistan
NB- This is a searingly honest account by a journalist of what it means to speak and write in a rabidly criminalised political environment. In fact, a vicious and verbally violent reaction to any difference of opinion is fast becoming the norm in internet public fora and social media. It is almost as if the appearance of criticism or difference is enough to arouse feelings of murderous hatred and a wish to annihilate the person expressing such an opinion. We are fast getting accustomed to being abused and threatened for the smallest divergence from the 'mainstream' (whatever that means). Hooligans are obtaining protection from the heart of the State - does anyone have any further illusions on that score? It could be named 'mainstream extremism'. After the murders of Govind Pansare and Narendra Dabholkar, Indian readers are free to judge as to how far we are from a similar predicament- DS
An Indian-Gujarati friend of mine, with whom I share my enthusiasm for the Gujarati community of Karachi, has written something about me that needs only marginal correction. Writing in the Hindustan Times of May 12, 2014, Aakar Patel observed: “In a profile of his by a Western writer, I was alarmed to see that the columnist Khaled Ahmed, one of my heroes, actually paid one of the groups to keep them off his back. Such, then, is the lot of the writer of opinion in Pakistan.”
Also see
An Indian-Gujarati friend of mine, with whom I share my enthusiasm for the Gujarati community of Karachi, has written something about me that needs only marginal correction. Writing in the Hindustan Times of May 12, 2014, Aakar Patel observed: “In a profile of his by a Western writer, I was alarmed to see that the columnist Khaled Ahmed, one of my heroes, actually paid one of the groups to keep them off his back. Such, then, is the lot of the writer of opinion in Pakistan.”
Off my back? The best way I could do that was not
write at all. I have, in fact, done much worse to ruin my image. I have gone
and touched the feet of my prospective killers, as unfortunately recorded by
Karima Bennoune in her book Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here: Untold
Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism (2013). She recounts how I
went to Samanabad in Lahore and — it goes without saying — went for the foot of
a now-terrorist organisation member offended by what my paper, The
Frontier Post, had printed: an FIR saying the organisation’s founder used
to molest madrasa children. The now-terrorist organisation was then in the Punjab governmentcoalition
and doing terrorism on the side.
It worked. So I got used to touching foot. It is like
apologising abjectly to the judge after committing contempt of court: don’t
argue. Many years later, I misread the signs and wrote something in The Friday Times that
provoked a once-terrorist organisation to send me a legal notice for
defamation. I was immediately grateful on receiving a notice and not a bullet
in my head. After looking for a lawyer who would defend me in court
and not finding a single one — all were either in sympathy
with the said organisation or scared of it — I decided to do what had become
habit: touch foot.
The first time I touched foot I was editor of
thepaper, so the decision was taken quickly enough. The second time, my editor Najam
Sethi, the bravest man in Pakistan, who printed everything I wrote, had to go
with me to a location near Chauburji in Lahore and see how I did it. Seating
myself on the floor next to the Big Leader, I extended my hand and
touched his knee (the foot being hidden beneath his imposing girth) before
admitting guilt and pledging never to badmouth his organisation again. The
effect was immediate. I was to live.
Aakar Patel took someone’s account of “how I
survived” on trust. Things are much worse than paying off terrorists here. Yet,
what the “Western writer” stated was misleading. I was actually paying a
“monthly” to an ex-member of a jihadi outfit. His credentials were solid. He
was trained in an Osama bin Laden camp just outside Kabul. SK had
fallen on bad times financially and had called on me, trusting the
rumour that I was working for the CIA and could get him to
the US. He was working in a pro-jihad Lahore newspaper, funded by
expat Pakistanis and producing unreadable columns of agitprop, but his heart
was not in it. He told me many things about what was going on in the jihadi
underworld.
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen was on the verge of a split and
Jaish-e-Mohammad was about to be born from its rib, with bin Laden and Mufti
Shamzai midwifing the new birth. SK gave me the copy of the “hakam
(arbitration)” from Shamzai, dividing the assets. Bin Laden chipped in with
dozens of brand new “double-cabin” vehicles smuggled through Iran,
which he gave to his favourite terrorist leader, who later became his “post
office” while living undisturbed in Islamabad. The “hakam” was printed in TFT
along with my account. I told Najam on his birthday in June this year that I
was forever grateful he didn’t censor my columns.
The bit about me paying off the terrorists was told by my
old reporter, MH, to the publisher of the TFT, Jugnu, who immediately rang me
about it. I don’t know where MH got it from. He was the ace whose field report
in Najam’s Urdu weekly, Aajkal, about what happened to the borderlands
evacuated of civilians, near Sialkot, got TFT in trouble. MH is tough, a “black
belt” in karate, and was possibly miffed with me for the “monthly” I paid to
SK. I was told he had come to fisticuffs with SK at the Pak Tea House. The
“monthlies” trailed off after 9/11, the day SK was to get me to meet
the UKterrorist “of India fame”, Omar Sheikh, who had just opened
an al-Qaeda office in Lahore. Everything disappeared after 9/11.
MH went on to write many books — some with my preface — in
Urdu, including his Punjabi Taliban, translated into English, which could get him
killed because of his minute scrutiny of the sectarian war in Pakistan. He fled
before that could happen and lives somewhere in Europe, which I can’t disclose, writing more
revealing books based on the madrasa material he has gathered over the years.
Another “pay-off” was most unfortunate and
embarrassed me for a long time. A Jaish boy with a sheaf of fatwas in hand, on
the basis of which he got loan-defaulters to cough up money — 10 per cent going
to Jaish — came to see me, thinking, once again, that I was a spy and could get him
to America. (I don’t know who has spread this about me but the rumour has persisted.)
He said he could put together a directory of jihadi organisations if he was
paid Rs 20,000.
I talked to Pervez Hoodbhoy of Mashal in Lahore. We decided
to pay him the money from Mashal, which has a most elaborate collection of
inflammatory mosque sermons on its website for anyone interested in
extremism. To cut it short, the Jaish boy ran off with the dough. But Mashal
was soon able to publish the best-selling classic, A to Z of Jihadi
Organisations in Pakistan by Amir Rana, the best field researcher
I have known, who now runs his own NGO from Islamabad.
The ignominy has not worn off. It has made Aakar sad but he
has to understand the conditions one lives under in Pakistan. One can get out
of a tight spot by grovelling — I don’t have the kind of money they demand —
and by touching foot. But the realproblem is that faced by most Muslim
societies today: the victim of terrorism is as extreme in his thinking as
his tormentor. The people to save whose future I write are offended
by my liberal-secular worldview, which makes me look as if I am
sucking up to America. I was shocked by what a prosecutor had to say about me
as I faced a contempt hearing at the Lahore High Court, way back in
1993: I was an American and Indian spy rolled into one, opposed to the very idea of
Pakistan.
Yet, I shouldn’t complain. This year, I received the Pride
of Performance medal from the president of Pakistan, which means there is
someone who thinks I am not a traitor.
The writer is consulting editor,
‘Newsweek Pakistan’ express@expressindia.com
Also see
"Remember Gandhi. Remember what we did to him"
Anti-superstition activist Narendra Dabholkar shot dead
Kolkata madrasa head attacked for ‘trying to be a Rushdie’
The Abolition of truth
Shirin Dalvi case: The tyranny of hurt sentiment
Mr PM, We Could Have Saved Govind Pansare
Months after the murder of anti-superstition activist Narendra Dabholkar in 2013, Pansare received a threat letter stating "Tumcha Dabholkar Karu", which translated that he could also be killed like Dabholkar.
The Non-politics of the RSS
How power trumps justice // Very short list of examples of rule of law in India
The Abolition of truth
Shirin Dalvi case: The tyranny of hurt sentiment
Mr PM, We Could Have Saved Govind Pansare
Months after the murder of anti-superstition activist Narendra Dabholkar in 2013, Pansare received a threat letter stating "Tumcha Dabholkar Karu", which translated that he could also be killed like Dabholkar.
The Non-politics of the RSS
How power trumps justice // Very short list of examples of rule of law in India