Robert Fisk: President Assad's army is starting to call the shots in Syria
The system of torture and fear that the secret police services of the regime imposed for decades upon Syria – the "repression" mentioned so obliquely in the lady's demands – still lies like a blanket over those areas of the country that the government still controls... How does a Syrian loyal to the regime tell its leader that his own security agencies helped to bring down this catastrophe upon their country?
Old Mohamed Said al-Sauda from Deraa, in his tawny gown and kuffiah headscarf, sat at the end of a conclave of tribal elders, all newly arrived in Damascus for an audience with no less than the President himself. They sat – only one woman in a blue dress among them – round a long table in the Damas Rose Hotel drinking water and coffee, rehearsing their anxieties. How should they talk to the young armed men who came into their villages? How should they persuade the rebels not to damage their land and take over their villages? "We try to talk to the saboteurs and to get them to go back to rebuilding the country," al-Sauda told me. "We try to persuade them to put aside their arms, to stop the violence. We used to have such a safe country to live in."
These men, middle-aged for the most part with tough, lined, dark faces, are the first line of defence of the Assad regime, the landowners and propertied classes of the peasants who benefited most from the original Baathist revolution and whose prosperity has been threatened by the mass uprising against the regime. They come from Tartus, Deraa, the Damascus countryside, from Hama and Latakia, and they speak the language of the Assad government – up to a point. "Syria is a mosaic unlike any other in the world," says Salman Hamdan. "The sectarian divide does not exist in our country. Muslims, Christians, they are the same. It is a conspiracy that is classifying people. Some have chosen the homeland; others have decided to be ungrateful to their country for personal gain."
But the woman in blue hands me a printed sheet of paper with a list of demands. "We come from all walks of political life," it begins. "We reject violence and we reject repression, sectarian massacres and the destruction of the cultural heritage of Syria." And there it was. That word. Repression. For these men and this lonely woman know what helped to set fire to Syria. "Every government makes mistakes," one of the men says – but we know what he means. He is talking about the mukhabarat intelligence service which lit the fire two years ago by its brutality towards the children of Deraa. The system of torture and fear that the secret police services of the regime imposed for decades upon Syria – the "repression" mentioned so obliquely in the lady's demands – still lies like a blanket over those areas of the country that the government still controls.
How does a Syrian loyal to the regime tell its leader that his own security agencies helped to bring down this catastrophe upon their country? For these agencies have contaminated not just the Baath and the President but even the government army – the Syrian Arab Army – which is now trying to shrug off the awful carapace of legimitised violence that the plain-clothes men, in their tens of thousands, have used as a tool for more than 30 years. Even in the cities that the government still controls they have still not learned their lesson.
A clerk at the "Terrorism Tribunal" in Damascus admits that 1,000 new files go into the court every day – a huge figure that only hints at the vast numbers of unknown prisoners in the regime's jails. But the figure is also, in the words of one well-placed Syrian, a "chequing account", a bank balance of fear that rises and falls according to the security searches and arrests. If 1,000 are arrested today, another 1,000 can be released tomorrow. The state security organs now appear to restrict themselves – if that is the right word – to arresting only those whom they believe are an immediate danger to themselves, to Assad or to the regime. They no longer have the time or resources to hunt down every protester. Nor do they have any longer the vast territory of the countryside in which to roam.
There are also some intriguing signs that the government army, so keen to appear as the foundation stone of the state – which it is – without the dark stain of fear left by the mukhabarat, is taking its own steps to push back the "terror" men... read more:
