Yudit Kiss on how Viktor Orbán has crushed Hungary's 1989 dream
Since the April 2010 elections, a political tsunami has swept over the country. The existing regulations and institutions were dismantled and loyal Fidesz appointees were installed in leading positions, implementing the party's policies from economics to the judiciary, from the health system to municipal government, from education to the arts. More than 300 laws and regulations were hastily created (or modified) and pushed through parliament, many of which the deputies did not even have time to read before voting. Opposition parties have been reduced to a walk-on role.
Viktor Orbán's regime combines the extreme centralisation of economic assets (including the expropriation of the private pension funds, of several public foundations and the forthcoming centralisation of the municipal government's assets) and the monopolisation of power in a single party that intends to dominate every aspect of social and private life, turning citizens into subjects. The improvised nature of many of the new laws creates a wide margin for arbitrary decisions that increase dependence and insecurity.
In addition to a frontal attack on civil liberties, the government has redistributed economic assets (particularly through the tax system and investment allocations) in favour of interest groups close to Fidesz and a restricted layer of the well-to-do. This group zealously defends the party's power and executes its guidelines.
At the same time – through the unilateral rewriting of the labour code, the restriction of union action and collective bargaining rights, the radical dismantling of social welfare nets and independent social care institutions – the government exposed the most vulnerable social groups (the poor, the unemployed, Roma, pensioners, sick and handicapped) to the unfolding economic crisis. Life is precarious for those who live on wages and have no reserves or additional revenue.
By 2012, Hungarians had to realise that their dreams of 1989 – freedom and decent living – had fallen into pieces. No wonder they are disillusioned...
Of course, there is no question of silencing dissent; Klubradio was unable to meet the tender criteria set by the state media authority; those on hunger strike at public TV were dismissed for failing their duties and not because they protested against the manipulation of the news; the system's critics are visited by tax auditors and political opponents are examined for economic wrongdoing in order to ensure transparency, people lose their jobs due to administrative changes and not their political views.
Of course, there is no question of silencing dissent; Klubradio was unable to meet the tender criteria set by the state media authority; those on hunger strike at public TV were dismissed for failing their duties and not because they protested against the manipulation of the news; the system's critics are visited by tax auditors and political opponents are examined for economic wrongdoing in order to ensure transparency, people lose their jobs due to administrative changes and not their political views.
As is customary in authoritarian regimes, the system's ears are sharp and its arms are long; people think twice before signing a petition, a newspaper article or taking part in public actions where they can be identified. Against this background, the large demonstrations of the last few months, as well as multiplying manifestations of civil courage, have an extraordinary value.
According to a recent poll by Szonda Ipsos, the number of Fidesz voters has declined from 34% early last year to 18%, but due to the new election law, the redrawing of election districts and the reshaping of key public posts, only a very wide coalition of political forces would be able to win the 2014 elections and start to reconstruct the country...
